Fandom has changed celebrity culture significantly, particularly since the emergence of social media, giving fans the ability to interact with their idols. However, this change in celebrity culture is also reflected within journalism. Music journalism particularly has had to adapt since the rise of the super fan or stan. Stan is defined as ‘“an overzealous or obsessive fan of a particular celebrity;” as a verb, to stan is to “be an overzealous or obsessive fan of a particular celebrity” (Oxford University Press cited in Chalfant and Na, 2021). Arguably, stan culture has changed the way journalists work. Using existing work of academics and researchers such as Ewens (2019), Pearson (2010) and Horton and Wohl (1956), this essay will discuss both the negative and positive impact fan cultures has on music journalism, and how journalism has adapted following the rise of stan culture. This work will address fans taking the power away from journalists as cultural intermediaries regarding celebrity news and reporting, as well as considering the sense of security felt between fans in shared social spaces and the collectability of music journalism.
It is important to understand the digitisation of journalism to understand the shifts within the industry. Online news has made reading the news and keeping up to date on current affairs easier and more accessible for a huge wealth of people. However, it is fans in particular who have utilised this digitisation of journalism to maximise their level of fandom; ‘stan accounts have established a monopoly on internet-bred cultural reportage.’ (Greenwood, 2019) As Tinka (2018) states; ‘[m]ass communication has shattered and brought about a new phenomenon – the participation of the audience in the creation of media communication.’ Of course, citizen journalism is a longstanding field in reporting, and is defined as:
‘The reporting of news events by people without journalism training. These non-professionals use the Internet and social media to spread information. Members of the public report about news that is ignored by mainstream media, which includes newspapers, magazines, and broadcasters, or by media outlets under the government's control. The term was coined in 2000.’ (Kivak, 2022)
Fans have become their own version of citizen journalists as a way of keeping up with their idols on social media platforms. There are a multitude of fan pages that exist purely as a news platform for artists; they work to update other fans on the whereabouts, the happenings and the news of the artist they focus on. In particular ‘Twitter has emerged as the primary online space for communication between celebrity and audience.’ (Kehrberg, 2015) For example, Beyonce’s fandom is called the ‘Beyhive’. The Beyhive have social media platforms dedicated to updating fans on the occurrences in Beyonce’s life. In her work on Fangirls (2019), Ewens interviews members of the Beyhive to understand the importance of this fan-based digital journalism. One interviewee states ‘I used to find things out via mainstream media but now it’s from the Beyhive every time.’ (Adrianna cited in Ewens, 2019. Pp. 129) Another interviewee, who co-runs one of the Beyonce-update-groups, emphasised the huge role these pages have in the fandom; ‘I ask Lela if fans follow Beyoncé news via online media, or just source it through the group. She laughs abruptly: ‘We are the media.’’ (Lela cited in Ewens, 2019, Pp.128) Reinforcing the dedication of these fan pages, it is explained how the fans get to know the newest updates before mainstream media; ‘[t]he bees follow anyone online who has the remotest link to Beyoncé; they know who her publicist is, who is working on music with her, her friends from years ago, people she’s come into contact with in the past twelve months.’ (Ewens, 2019 Pp. 130) In this sense it is clear that ‘the fan phenomenon is old, but has been transformed by today’s social networks’ (Lacasa, de la Fuente, Garcia-Pernia and Cortes, 2017, Pp. 54)
This new model of fan engagement suggests a new wave of journalism that emerged in parallel to online fan communities. They now have a networked environment in which they can interact with their idols as well as each other, leading to the ability to transmit and receive faster, more real time news than mainstream media. Much of fandom is about a sense of urgency to know more than anyone else before anyone else; this idea of being the first to know something brings a feeling of superiority in fan cultures. This is explained in Edlom and Karlsson’s work on hierarchies of music fandom (2021); ‘[t]he collection of knowledge is also a way to gain power over less educated fans and elevate one’s status in the group. There is a social hierarchy based on the fans’ level of knowledge of and access to the object of fandom.’ (Kermode and Hills cited in Edlom and Karlsson, 2021, Pp.124)
This type of extreme fan is explained in Chalfant and Na’s work on K-pop fandom, and name them as ‘sasaeng fans’; “Sasaeng fans are identified by a need to seek out their idols’ exact schedules in order to be as close to them as possible, as often as possible” (Williams and Ho cited in Chalfant and Na, 2021) In order to feel closer to their idol, they seek out the more private side of the lives of the artist in order to understand them more. To do this, ‘sasaeng fans use digital media to acquire information’ (Chalfant and Na, 2021). Knowing the private life of an idol is an important aspect of fandom. Maltby (2005) also would categorise these fans as of ‘borderline- pathological’, as their extreme obsession and dedication to their idol leads to invasions of the artist’s private life. (Though such medicalisation also speaks to negative stereotypes surrounding fandom for teenage girls as being typified by hysteria.) This explains the popularity of these social media news platforms amongst the fandoms. Their obsession is fed by urgent updates on real time events, and news that journalists would not pick up on. It is from these fan accounts that journalists often get the information to publish themselves. Music journalist Lauren O’ Neill states that:
‘[T]here’d be so much stuff we as journalists wouldn’t know about if we didn’t have the fans; they’re a useful resource for anyone. Their dedication is the thing, really. As journalists, especially today, we don’t have the time to trawl through everything on a particular musician; especially on a news shift. If we know fans have already been there and done that, we’ll look to them.’ (O’ Neill cited in Ewens, 2021)
Following this, Ewens explains how valuable fandom is to journalism; with their devotion to their idol comes power. They are able to dig deep and find information journalists do not have time to unearth, which they post on Twitter for fellow fans to see. New photos emerge that have never seen before, the whereabouts of the artist can be found out from fan sightings. All of these fan practices of citizen journalism aid the mainstream media.
However, with a huge group of devoted fans, there will always be an ugly side, which has a negative effect on journalism. This is due to the high levels of parasocial relationship felt between the fandom and the artist, which is defined as; ‘the illusion of face-to-face relationship with a media personality.’ (Horton and Wohl, 1956) Fans create an emotional connection with their idols, which mimics a feeling of closeness and friendship. Edlom and Karlsson explain the different levels of fandom in their work and explain that the most dedicated fans ‘see themselves as a part of an artist’s extended family, which they have a vested interest in protecting and supporting. These high‐ level fans are increasingly referred to as superfans.’ (Edlom and Karlsson, 2021, Pp.124) With this parasocial relationship that fans develop with their idols, comes a sense of protectiveness over the artist. This protectiveness has a significant effect on the way in which fans interact with journalists, especially when the journalists are reporting on a subject that may be deemed insensitive, or if the fans disagree with the writing of the journalist. As Jia, Li and Ma (2021) state ‘Some fans who are too protective of their idols even will not accept any criticism, which often leads to conflicts or an ill climate where people cannot voice their opinions.’ (Jia, Li and Ma, 2021, Pp. 2174)
This is further explained by Devlin (2019) in their article on ‘critic criticising’ which considers the hostility protective fans feel towards journalists covering their favourite artists. Devlin explains that since the rise of the stan, journalists have to ‘carefully consider’ the implications of publishing work in which their opinions may not align with those of the fan base. It is likely that these journalists will be ‘vilified by artists, and their fanbases, for not paying absolute obeisance to the artist.’ (Devlin, 2019) Fans will claim that journalists lack talent if their opinion is different to theirs on new music of their idol. In worse cases, fans become hateful, sending death threats, or emails attempting to get the journalist fired from their job. For example, Ariana Grande stan Twitter were in full force following a statement by a blogger made about Grande, which her fans didn’t agree with. This blogger received weeks of hate comments including racism, misogyny, death threats and wishes; one of many examples of a DM she received; ‘“I hope someone murders you! I also hope your kids get murdered too bitch! You deserve it you fucking whorebag slut,”’ (Cited in Krishnan, 2019)
Fans feel so passionate about the artists, that they feel they have to protect their name against negativity, and in doing so, often project their own negativity on to others.
From the influence of fan pages to their defences of artists against critical reporters, fans consistently overrule journalists and take the power away from the mainstream media, and into their own hands when it comes their idols. This exemplifies Jenkins statement that ‘audiences are gaining greater power and autonomy as they enter into the new knowledge culture.’ (Jenkins cited in Pearson, 2010) With this power, fans can monitor the news that is shared, in order to keep a positive reputation for their idol; mainstream news would not be concerned on managing artist’s reputation. Further, fans may feel they have more of a right to have this power than the mainstream pages due to their dedication towards the artist; for example, Beyonce’s fans see themselves as ‘her own collective of investigative journalists’. (Ewens, 2019, Pp. 131)
The power the fans hold over their own forms of media is also reflected in their fan fiction writing; ‘Through Wattpad, young people involve themselves in practices of composition, communication, and co- creation as they find new audiences and fellow fans online.’ (Korobkova, 2019) Through fan fiction, fan communities are involved in working together to create narratives and share their creativity with each other. Fans wait for the newest updates of chapters and interact with the authors. As stated in the work of Jia, Li and Ma (2021) ‘Jenkins believed that the reason why more and more people are participating in this creation is because the network provides them with a safe place where they can experiment with new passions or activities’ (Jenkins cited in Jia, Li and Ma, 2021, Pp. 2176)
Further, fans use social media sites in which they feel more private such as Tumblr, where they have the ability to ‘express their unfiltered thoughts, opinions, and desires.’ (Pruett, 2020) With privacy and exclusivity in social spheres such as Tumblr and Wattpad, fans felt more security as they were separate from more mainstream media. This sense of security may be reflected in the reasoning as to why the fans hold more trust in fan reporting rather than mainstream journalism, as they all share a similar priority of safety and security, which they find away from the news and larger social media platforms.
Furthermore, fans trust the opinions of each other more than those of journalists, as they have a shared appreciation for the artist. Arguably, fans no longer want to read album reviews from music journalists, as they believe they can form their own opinions, and can learn of other people’s opinions from people in their fandom. Lefevre, writer for Junkee magazine states that ‘the sudden proliferation and rise in popularity of critics on TikTok suggests a changing of the guard is underway, and the traditional music media is once again being left behind.’ (Lefevre, 2021) Using social media platforms, fans can be certain that they will hear other fans opinions on a new album, with the assurance that it will not be overly negative, or disrespectful to the artist. Mainstream music journalism does not come with this guarantee; therefore, it is likely they will see a variation of differing opinions, some extreme and possibly upsetting to a super fan. This reinforces the feeling of security that fans have access to in their ‘safety bubble’ of social media. They can be shielded from negative opinions on their idol, in a virtual, shared, safe space of like-minded people. To put it simply, as Monroe states ‘a girl with a crush has more in common with another girl with a crush than she does with a regular civilian.’ (Monroe, 2012)
However, it is important to understand the positives that fans take from music journalism also. Music journalism has become collectable, with fans purchasing magazines with their idol on the front cover, or a feature interview from their favourite artist, just to own a copy and keep it forever. In her article on fandom Rachel Monroe (2012) recounts her obsession with Gavin Rossdale; ‘[a]t the time, I was pretty sure I had every picture of Gavin Rossdale ever published taped up on the walls of my room. I bought every magazine…that had an article on him. I spent hours looking online, too.’ These magazine articles are used as a way of learning more information about the artist’s personal life, and the photos are looked at as a form of art, worthy of being pasted across bedroom walls. Though fans have many negative opinions on music journalism, and many journalists have created a negative reputation for their work, it is still a respected industry, as it supplies fans with further access into their idols’ life as well as a form of collectable merchandise. Even three years later, the issue of iD, in which Timothee Chalamet was interviewed by Harry Styles (iD, 2019) is selling on eBay for nearly three hundred pounds; these collector editions are sacred texts to fandoms. Fans are collecting unlikely magazines, such as Better Homes and Gardens, because of Harry Styles’ feature interview and front cover. Moreover, teen pop-culture magazines offer a welcome environment for fan cultures, providing them content that they can identify with, which mainstream media stay away from in order to upkeep a professional identity within the industry. For example, rock criticism in the early 1960’s was described as ‘a new era of criticism, freed from teenage magazine perspectives, pin-ups as well as music industry news briefs.’ (Williams cited in Lindberg et al, 2005, pp. 74)
To conclude, though fandom has taken significant power away from journalists and encouraged social media reporting, it has also explained how valuable journalism is to fans. Whilst there is fandom, there will always be a guarantee that music journalism will sell, therefore in some way, protecting the industry. In this sense, as much as fans predominantly use social media for news and updates on their favourite artist, the collectability of print music journalism will always hold importance in fan cultures. However, it is clear that fans enjoy to hold power over their own media, in order to protect their idol from criticism and defend them against any negativity; this may be in the form of a social media account, an update page or even a fanfiction. They believe that the opinions of fellow fans can be trusted more and are therefore more important than the opinions of outsiders, such as music journalists. Although the negatives seem to outweigh the positives in regard to fandom impacting journalism, in 2022 it has reached a point where fans and journalists are able to coexist across social media and mainstream. Although there may be shared negative feelings towards each other, one helps the other in their attempts to spread news and journalism in the music industry.
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